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Republican Presidential Candidates


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Un très bon article de LRC qui explique pourquoi Ron Paul ne décolle pas dans les sondages et pourquoi il n'est pas impossible qu'il gagne l'investiture républicaine…

http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig8/pitkaniemi1.html

Le point 1) est en tout cas clairement faux. Beaucoup d'early adopters ont encore une ligne fixe, surtout aux Etats-Unis (ce serait autre chose si on parlait d'un pays du tiers-monde). Dire que les utilisateurs de ligne fixe n'utilisent pas internet est purement et simplement risible. Seule une fraction des jeunes peut être éliminée par ce choix.

C'était l'apport inintéressant du geek.

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Le point 1) est en tout cas clairement faux. Beaucoup d'early adopters ont encore une ligne fixe, surtout aux Etats-Unis (ce serait autre chose si on parlait d'un pays du tiers-monde). Dire que les utilisateurs de ligne fixe n'utilisent pas internet est purement et simplement risible. Seule une fraction des jeunes peut être éliminée par ce choix.

C'était l'apport inintéressant du geek.

Un nerd comme moi te répondra que tu n'as pas bien lu ce point. L'auteur n'avance pas que tous les utilisateurs de lignes fixes sont des gros nuls mais qu'ils tendent à être moins au courant des nouvelles technologies que la moyenne, ce qui est probablement vrai.

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Le point 1) est en tout cas clairement faux. Beaucoup d'early adopters ont encore une ligne fixe, surtout aux Etats-Unis (ce serait autre chose si on parlait d'un pays du tiers-monde). Dire que les utilisateurs de ligne fixe n'utilisent pas internet est purement et simplement risible. Seule une fraction des jeunes peut être éliminée par ce choix.

C'était l'apport inintéressant du geek.

C'est vrai que cet argument vaudrait plus en Europe qu'aux Etats-Unis, l'auteur en exagère peut-être la portée. Mais il faut reconnaître que le pépé qui n'a ni web ni gsm a plus de chances d'avoir un fixe que le geek de 25 ans… Et comme le dit SCM, il s'agit d'une moyenne.

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J'ai cherché et malheureusement ça doit être assez contrôlé, par exemple la vente de t-shirt et autres est faite à prix coûtant, et les donations demandent adresse complète.

Ou alors tu trouve un américain, tu lui envoie ton argent et c'est lui qui donne :icon_up:.

Effectivement. AB, tu réponds aux conditions suivantes ? :doigt:

2. I am a United States citizen or a lawfully-admitted permanent resident. If a foreign national, I have permanent resident status and hold a green card.
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The Ron Paul Movement

The libertarian longshot won't win the presidency, but that isn't the only prize on the table

Jesse Walker | July 16, 2007

Among the other firsts of his campaign, Ron Paul is probably the only presidential contender to be compared to a Samuel L. Jackson movie. The Texas congressman, a dark horse candidate for the Republican nomination, was being lightly grilled by Kevin Pereira, a host on the videogame-oriented cable channel G4. "Young people online, they were really psyched about Snakes on a Plane, but that didn't translate into big ticket sales for Sam Jackson," Pereira said. "Are you worried that page views on a MySpace page might not translate to primary votes?"

The reference was to the Internet sensation of 2006, an action movie whose cheesy title and premise had sparked a burst of online creativity: mash-ups, mock trailers, parody films, blogger in-jokes. Hollywood interpreted this activity as "buzz," and New Line Cinema inflated its hopes for the movie's box office take. When the film instead did about as well as you'd expect from a picture called Snakes on a Plane, the keepers of the conventional wisdom declared that this was proof of the great gulf between what's popular on the Internet and what sells in the material world.

Ron Paul is popular on the Internet, too, with more YouTube subscribers than any other candidate, the fastest-growing political presence in MySpace, a constant perch atop the Technorati rankings, and a near-Olympian record at winning unscientific Web polls. Like Snakes, he is the subject of scads of homemade videos and passionate blog posts. When Pereira mentioned the movie, he was making a clear comparison: Yes, your online fans are noisy, but will their enthusiasm actually translate into electoral success?

It's an interesting analogy, because the conventional wisdom about Snakes on a Plane is backwards. The reason the online anticipation for Snakes didn't translate into big ticket sales is because there actually wasn't much online anticipation for the movie. Yes, some of those parodists were interested in seeing the finished film, whose notoriety has given it minor cult status. But the others couldn't care less about the studio's product. Their online activity was an end in itself, a great big belly laugh at the expense of goofy high-concept movies. Their riffs and spoofs were far more entertaining than any actual feature about airborne reptiles was likely to be. Those fans weren't waiting for a show. They were the show.

That's one difference between Snakes and Paul: The congressman's fans really do want him to do as well as possible in the polls. But victory isn't the only thing on their minds. For many of them it isn't even the topmost thing on their minds. Like those Snakes on a Plane spoofs, the grassroots activity around Paul's campaign is interesting and valuable in itself. Here are three reasons why:

It's transpartisan. Paul's fan base stretches all the way from Howard Phillips to Alexander Cockburn. His libertarian message has resonance, as you'd expect, among free-marketeers dismayed by the GOP's love affair with federal spending. It is also attractive, as you'd expect, to lefties who like his opposition to the Iraq war and the post-9/11 incursions on our civil liberties. But the race has no shortage of anti-spending conservatives and antiwar liberals. Paul is especially appealing to people who don't fit the narrow stereotypes of Blue and Red: to decentralist Democrats, anti-imperialist Republicans, and a rainbow of independents.

The Internet makes it easier for such dispersed minorities to find each other, and the congressman's candidacy has given them a new reason to seek each other out. When Pittsburgh's Paul backers gathered via the MeetUp site, which arranges get-togethers for users who share a common interest, the blogger Mike Tennant attended. He found at least one Democrat, at least one anarchist, several disillusioned Bush supporters, a member of the Libertarian Party, a member of the right-wing Constitution Party, "and a whole roomful of folks disillusioned with the two-party duopoly… The one thing that unites us all is a desire to have a president who actually believes in liberty and has a record to match his rhetoric." Paul fans have been arguing forcefully for their candidate at both the conservative Web hub FreeRepublic and its liberal counterpart, Daily Kos—where, to be sure, they are met by angry opposition from more conventional Republicans and Democrats.

It's idea-driven. Were you wondering how Paul answered that question about Snakes on a Plane? He said, "I don't worry much about that at all. I worry about understanding the issues and presenting the case and seeing if I can get people to support these views." Some politicians are in this race because they really want to run the country. Some are in it because they want to be vice president, or be secretary of state, or extract some other prize from the eventual nominee. Paul is in it to inject ideas into the campaign. He wants to get votes, of course, but like Henry Clay he'd rather be right than be president. (Unlike Clay, he really is right most of the time.)

For Paul, it's a victory just to be on stage with Rudolph Giuliani arguing for a non-interventionist foreign policy, because it serves as a reminder that it's possible to be a fiscal conservative with bourgeois cultural instincts and yet oppose the occupation of Iraq and the effort to extend that war into Iran. That novelty, coupled with his fans' online activity, has earned Paul a rash of TV interviews: In the last two months, he has appeared on This Week, The Daily Show, Tucker, Lou Dobbs Tonight, and The Colbert Report, among other venues, raising his profile far above the other second-tier candidates. Each appearance is an opportunity not just to ask for votes but to express his anti-statist ideas, spreading a message rarely heard in the context of a presidential campaign.

It has a life of its own. After Jesse Jackson's populist campaign did unexpectedly well in 1988, many of his supporters hoped the Rainbow Coalition would become an independent grassroots force. But Jackson was more interested in his own political career, and he opted to make it a smaller group he could control. Similarly, Ross Perot resisted every effort to make the Reform Party something more than a vehicle for his presidential ambitions. When it slipped out of his control anyway, and in 2000 gave the world two competing presidential nominees, he stiffed both and endorsed George Bush instead.

A different fate befell the left-wing "netroots" that embraced Howard Dean in 2004 and Ned Lamont (among others) in 2006. They've maintained their decentralized character, and they're obviously larger than any particular pol. But unlike the Perot movement or even the Rainbow Coalition, which included left-wing independents as well as Democrats, the netroots aren't larger than one particular party. They may hate the Democratic establishment, but they're still devoted Democrats.

The Paul movement is different. Unlike the Jackson and Perot campaigns, it is open, decentralized, and largely driven by activists operating without any direction from the candidate or his staff. Unlike the netroots, it has no particular attachment to the party whose nomination its candidate is seeking. Paul himself left the Republican fold in the '80s to run for president as a Libertarian, and he still has friendly ties to that party. When he returned to the GOP and to Congress in the election of '96, the national party establishment threw its weight behind his opponent in the primaries, an incumbent who had originally been elected as a Democrat. Paul turned to independent sources to fill his campaign coffers, raising substantial sums from the libertarian, constitutionalist, and hard-money movements. Those have always been his chief base of support.

Barring a complete meltdown of the party gatekeeping apparatus, Ron Paul will not be the Republican nominee next year. And he says he has no plans to run as an independent. But you can't erase all the traces of a self-directed, transpartisan, idea-driven movement. Long after Snakes on a Plane was relegated to the cult-movie shelf, the people who spoofed it online are still writing blogs and editing mini-movies, applying the skills they honed mocking an action flick. Howard Dean is just a party functionary today, but the troops who assembled themselves behind him are still active in the trenches, their original leader nearly forgotten. I suspect that Paul will have a longer shelf life than Dean or Snakes. But whatever becomes of him after this election, his fans will still be there, organizing rallies, editing their YouTube videos, launching their own political campaigns, and spreading ideas.

http://www.reason.com/news/show/121399.html

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http://www.economist.com/world/na/displays…tory_id=9514241

United States

Ron Paul

Paul the apostate

Jul 19th 2007 | LAKE JACKSON, TEXAS

From The Economist print edition

Is this would-be president brave or crazy?

RON PAUL, a libertarian Republican congressman from Texas, likes to say what he thinks. And among the things he thinks is that the census is a violation of privacy. He has opted out of the congressional pension programme. He claims never to have voted for a tax increase, or for an unbalanced budget, or for a congressional pay rise and never to have gone on a congressional junket. He wants to return to the gold standard. Most notably, he strongly opposes the Iraq war and has from the beginning.

Mr Paul is running for president. And according to the latest report from the Federal Election Commission, he is in better financial shape than John McCain, once the front-runner. Mr Paul raised $2.4m in the second quarter of the year, has roughly that much on hand, and has no debts. Mr McCain raised far more money but spent it just as fast, ending the quarter with $3.2m on hand but with $1.8m in debt.

Mr Paul represents Lake Jackson, a pretty coastal city that looks like an advertisement for planned community life. On a recent summer evening, children splashed in a fountain next to the bustling public library, and a family of four cycled single-file down That Way drive. In some ways, Mr Paul is an odd choice to represent the area. Although the Gulf coast is vulnerable to flooding, for example, he wants the Federal Emergency Management Agency not to interfere. But he has deep roots in the area. For a time he was the only obstetrician in Brazoria County and he has delivered many local residents.

Running for president as the Libertarian Party candidate in 1988 (while still, oddly, a Republican) helped Mr Paul acquire a small cadre of devoted supporters around the country. But he was widely unknown until this May, when he enlivened a Republican debate by saying that Middle Eastern terrorists struck at the United States in part because “we've been over there; we've been bombing Iraq for ten years.” Rudy Giuliani, a former mayor of New York, promptly tore into him. The crowd cheered Mr Giuliani.

It seemed that Mr Paul would be ostracised. But since then he has been vigorously defended by libertarian internet buffs everywhere. (His supporters are diligent correspondents and, having published this article, The Economist expects to hear from them.) The singer Barry Manilow has donated to his campaign. An Indiana company is putting his face on their specie-backed Liberty Dollars. Mr Paul's spokesman said that the Liberty Dollars are nice, but supporters should keep sending regular ones.

Several months ago, Mr Paul got a consistent 1% of the Republican vote. In a Gallup poll released this week, he had tripled that. Although he had better not choose his White House curtains just yet, the Texan's presence could invigorate the Republicans. Even those who question his plans to withdraw from the UN can appreciate his candour.

Si même Barry Manilow a fait un don, alors Paul a encore toutes ses chances ! :icon_up:

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And among the things he thinks is that the census is a violation of privacy

[mode Gadrel]

Je l'ai toujours dit : la première chose à faire lors de la révolution libertarienne sera de faire sauter l'Institut national de Statistique.

[/mode Gadrel]

(His supporters are diligent correspondents and, having published this article, The Economist expects to hear from them.)

:icon_up:

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Voila deux comptes rendus du GOP Debate qui a eut lieu ce matin dans l'Iowa:

http://www.forbes.com/feeds/ap/2007/08/05/ap3988387.html

http://www.nytimes.com/cq/2007/08/05/cq_3232.html

Et si Ron Paul suscite l'émoi en parlant de se retirer d'Irak, rien à signaler quand Tancredo s'exprime:

Tancredo criticized the Bush administration’s planning for the invasion and occupation of Iraq, but continued to take a very hard line on Islamic extremism, defending a comment he made last week in which he advocated threatening to bomb Islamic holy sites in Mecca if terrorists were to use nuclear weapons against the United States.

Et pour Romney, après l'Irak, l'Iran, voilà maintenant le Pakistan qui pourrait éventuellement être envahi:

Romney also said it is critical to win the conflict, and drew applause when he criticized Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama’s strongly stated warning to Pakistan, issued last week, that he would be willing to deploy the U.S. military unilaterally to go after al Qaeda and other anti-American forces hiding in remote areas of that nation if Pakistani leaders fail to use their own military to do so.

Bref, vivement 2008!

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